The experiences of students of colour at Goldsmiths University have been a subject of discussion for many years, and despite being a diverse institu

Introduction

The experiences of students of colour at Goldsmiths University have been a subject of discussion for many years, and despite being a diverse institution, they continue to face challenges associated with racial (in)equality throughout their university education. This dissertation focuses on the inclusive racial (in)equality experiences of students of colour at Goldsmiths University, using a structural model developed by Fleurbaey and Schokkaert (2009), models by Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Rancire, and pedagogical activity. The objectives of this investigation are to present a thorough understanding of the experiences of students of colour at Goldsmiths, identify problematic areas embedded within the institution, and complement the existing body of knowledge on the subject by offering suggestions for enhancing the experiences of students of colour. The extensive body of literature on the experiences of students of colour facing racial (in)equality in higher education covers numerous subjects. Some studies have explored the experiences of students of colour as a whole, while others have examined the experiences of particular ethnic groups, such as Black or Asian students. The literature emphasises the difficulties that students of colour confront, such as prejudice, stereotyping, and small-mindedness. The structural model developed by Fleurbaey and Schokkaert in 2009 suggests that societal structures significantly influence how people's experiences are shaped. This model stresses the role of the institution in upholding or challenging racial (in)equality, making it relevant to the experiences of students of colour at Goldsmiths. The theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Rancire can also be used to examine the experiences of students of colour at Goldsmiths University. According to Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital, there is an unequal distribution of cultural knowledge and practises, and those who have access to it have a competitive advantage in society. Rancire's "ignorant schoolmaster" argument states that the typical teacher-student interaction fosters inequality because the teacher is perceived as the authoritative figure and the student is seen as being ignorant. These theories underline the importance of cultural knowledge and power relations in sustaining or challenging racial (in)equality, making them relevant to the experiences of students of colour at Goldsmiths University. Pedagogical action is the deliberate, thoughtful practice that educators engage in to advance social justice and fairness in the classroom. This study intends to pinpoint opportunities for development and advance social justice within the institution by investigating the educational practices of instructors at Goldsmiths. A diverse-method approach will be employed to gather data, using a survey. The survey will include questions related to microaggressions, stereotyping, discrimination, and access to resources and opportunities, with the aim of identifying areas of concern and providing recommendations for improving the experiences of students of colour at the university.

During the examination of the visible data topography from the research, certain themes emerged, including isolation, ostracization, lack of empathy or assistance and reduced expectations, which were evident in the data gathered from the surveys. These findings are not novel but rather reinforce previous research (Osler, 1997; Swann, 1985; Solrzano, Ceja, and Yosso, 2009; Gillborn, 2012; Strand, 2012; Wright, 2013) that investigated the experiences of Black students in the reality of education. A significant theme that strongly resonated with both the students and me was the hesitancy of university tutors to acknowledge the series of incidents that, when examined individually, might appear as minor circumstances or misunderstandings but were consistently dismissed or paid little attention to. In many instances, students were unjustly labelled as having a persecution complex or aggressive (Lander 2011b, p.13). The impact of these incidents was amassed, and when considered in conjunction with similar occurrences, they could be categorized as follows:

Microaggressions (Solrzano, Ceja, and Yosso, 2000): Subtle and elusive acts of racism.

Discriminatory acts manifested through passive-aggressive forms of conscious racism.

Possibly even 'dysconscious racism' (King, 1991): An uncritical acceptance of the prevailing racial inequalities and norms.

The survey responses displayed a clear reluctance from the staff, highlighting that the teacher training courses and the predominantly White cohort of teachers need to participate in a critically anti-racist discussion. Delving into this unwillingness revealed the underlying aspects of Whiteness (Leonardo, 2002 cited in Gillborn, 2005), the inherent dominance of White privilege, and its pervasive influence within that specific institution. One of the students provided an illustrative instance of Whiteness and its normative influence within the Curriculum, which had become ingrained in the educational system. During a group work session, the student pointed out that touching only slavery and the impacted aftermath as the representation of diversity and history was not the sole option available, implying that other diverse and authentic perspectives could also be included and that the practice is degrading. It can be contended that dominant groups frequently seek to validate their position through ideological mechanisms or a system of beliefs that rationalizes or defends existing or potential social structures. Banks (1995) posits that a study of racial history unveils the "colour line" as a socially constructed concept, established to distinguish racial groups and to assert the superiority or dominance of a particular race, notably Whites, over others.

Marable (1992) offered a comprehensive definition of racism as "a system of ignorance, exploitation, and power used to oppress African-Americans, Latinos, Asians, Pacific Americans, American Indians, and other people based on ethnicity, culture, mannerisms, and colour" (p.5). This definition holds particular significance as it broadens the conversation about race and racism beyond a traditional Black-White discourse to encompass a diverse range of faces, voices, and experiences. It highlights the complex and intersectional nature of racism, shedding light on how various ethnic and cultural groups can be affected by oppressive systems and power dynamics. As mentioned earlier, racial microaggressions manifest in various forms, including verbal and nonverbal assumptions and diminished expectations directed towards BAME students. The overall atmosphere described by the students in our study was one of heightened racial tension both within and outside the classroom.

Within the classroom setting, many students expressed feeling "invisible." A black female student pointed out that being part of a numerical racial minority seemed to lead to being overlooked and disregarded in class. This contrasts with the experiences of white respondents who felt well-supported and maintained better attendance despite facing similar personal challenges. The disparity in treatment based on race within the classroom setting highlights the need for greater awareness and efforts to create an inclusive and supportive learning environment for all students, regardless of their racial background. Another Black student in this study shared additional instances of racial microaggressions occurring during faculty-student interactions. Despite presenting contradictory evidence, faculty members held low expectations for this student. The student explained, "I had extremely low attendance due to family issues and financial constraints making it difficult to commute. However, I consistently submitted my assignments on time and never scored below 67%. During a conversation with my tutor, they 'lightly' joked about me paying someone else to write my assignments, implying that I was not capable of achieving good grades on my own or without external assistance." This example demonstrates how racial microaggressions can be subtle yet impactful, undermining the student's achievements and perpetuating stereotypes based on race. Such experiences highlight the importance of addressing and rectifying implicit biases within educational institutions to foster an equitable and supportive learning environment for all students.

The continuous negative interactions with faculty had a profound impact on the self-perception of some black students who completed the survey. These experiences seemed to instil self-doubt in them. Many students emphasized the significance of having other African American students in their classes as a means of support against stereotype threat. One black female student articulated her feelings, saying, "They look at you and think, 'Oh, that's another dumb Black girl in the class.' That's how they make you feel.... So, you don't feel like contributing or engaging much because you second-guess yourself and if youre worthy being in the classroom. This student's statement reflects the damaging effects of racial stereotypes and microaggressions, which can lead to internalized doubts about one's abilities and worth. Creating an inclusive and supportive environment that acknowledges and addresses these challenges is crucial in empowering students from underrepresented groups and enabling them to thrive academically.